PTI’s Electoral Setback Unveiling Rawalpindi Division’s Political Shift
Since the British rule era, districts like Attock, Chakwal, and Jehlum in Rawalpindi have been recognized as significant sources of military recruits, with soldiers hailing from the areas participating in both world wars.
Moreover, even after partition, a majority of young people from these regions have shown a preference for joining the Pakistan Army, Air Force, and Navy.
In the 2018 general elections, PTI celebrated victories in the majority of MNA seats in Rawalpindi division and Islamabad Capital Territory (ICT), causing Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) to lose all seats.
However, the February 8 general elections brought a surprising turn of events, with PTI failing to retain any seats in this historically significant region. Many Candidates Argue that the results Indicate their Victories.
Many candidates argue that the results indicating their victories
Many candidates argue that the results indicating their victories have been collected through Form-45, distributed by presiding officers to their polling agents after the counting at polling stations.
Interestingly, a majority of PTI candidates in these districts enthusiastically celebrated the unofficial results on the night of February 8.
However, the scenario took a turn when Returning Officers (ROs) issued Form-47, showing the defeat of PTI-backed independent candidates and the declaration of PML-N candidates as the victorious contenders.
‘Power-wielders’ must learn to respect people’s choices: PTI
Complaints have arisen from PTI-backed candidates, alleging that they were denied entry into ROs’ offices during the counting process.
Even though the official results show their defeat, PTI-backed candidates garnered substantial votes, raising eyebrows among powerful circles and opposing parties alike.
Observers noted that the defeat of PTI-backed candidates carries several implications, signaling that the PTI narrative may not be the key to success in elections.
The debate has now shifted to whether the judiciary will provide relief to PTI in election disputes. Although election matters can only be challenged in the election tribunals under Article 225 of the constitution, PTI candidate Salman Akram Raja, an advocate, has already approached the Lahore High Court (LHC) against election results issued by ROs.
PTI’s disappointment with the Supreme Court
PTI’s disappointment with the Supreme Court, led by Chief Justice Qazi Faez Isa, for declaring intra-party elections as illegal has further strained the relationship. PTI withdrew a contempt petition against the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) and others, expressing a lack of hope for relief during the elections.
An important aspect revolves around the allocation of reserved seats to PTI. With the invalidation of intra-party elections, the question arises: who will assume the role of the party head and provide guidance on the applicability of Article 63-A of the constitution?
Because of this provision, there is a need to get clarification about the party ‘nominee’ and candidate’.
Lawyers believe that awarding three convictions to Imran Khan sent the wrong message to the public. Despite these hurdles, the public voted for PTI-backed candidates.
This situation also poses a test for the Supreme Court, examining how it will restore public faith in the judicial system.
